正在学习

Hollywood’s Moral Turn: Black Widow, Luca, and Nomadland

Hollywood’s Moral Turn: Black Widow, Luca, and Nomadland

II HOLLYWOOD

THE VACUITY OF HOLLYWOOD’S MORAL TURN

Lately there have been many falsely progressive movies—ones that illustrate openness to immigrants, the predicament of the nomadic working class, feminine solidarity, etc. But these films deal with these topics in a “decaffeinated” way, blurring their critical edge.

Let’s take three movies as examples: Black Widow, Luca, and Nomadland. Black Widow is usually categorized as a meta-genre—Marvel superheroes-meet-Bourne or Bond—but a more pertinent characterization is a Marvel movie made during the #MeToo wave. How is this feminization inscribed into the texture of the film?

Black Widow is directed by a woman (Cate Shortland), and one can speculate that this accounts for some of the film’s #MeToo motifs. The emotional focus of the film is the relationship between Natasha (Scarlett Johansson) and Yelena (Florence Pugh), a sisterly couple engaged in a complex relationship of love and competition, care and suspicion. In a similar vein, the best episode of the film takes place in Budapest, in an ordinary apartment inside a house with crumbling facade.

In a prologue set twenty years earlier, we discover that Natasha and Yelena are not real sisters. In 1995, Russian super-soldier Alexei Shostakov and Black Widow Melina Vostokoff, both Russian undercover agents, posed as a family in Ohio with their surrogate daughters Natasha Romanoff and Yelena Belova. After finishing their mission, they escape back to Russia where General Dreykov (played by Ray Winstone) has Romanoff and Belova taken to the Red Room for training to become Black Widows: perfect killers whose minds are controlled. Even twenty years later, the two sisters long for a proper place in a nuclear family, despite both knowing that the nuclear family they were taken from was fake.

Liberation, for them, is not liberation from family ties, but liberation from the wired-brain program that controls them. In their attempt to regain freedom, the two heroines break their “natural” father out of prison so he can help them, but he is now an impotent, aged, and confused clown. One can argue that the key to the film is the two paternal figures: The father who was imposed on them as their “natural” parent is a weak clown, and his absence is filled by a figure who, instead of exerting symbolic authority over his “children,” controls their brains.

One should ask these simple questions: Why are all Dreykov’s agents women? And why was the Red Room’s chemical agent that enables Dreykov to control women’s minds developed by a woman (specifically Vostokoff, the heroines’ fake mother)? Does this not indicate that Dreykov, far from being simply an extreme representation of the male fantasy of the total domination over women, is instead a figure of feminine fantasy? This fantasy figure is weak and ineffective—which is why, although Winstone is usually excellent as an evil character, Dreykov somehow doesn’t catch on as a bad guy, and the last half hour of the film (the protracted battle against Dreykov) is flat and boring. It is at this point that the film turns wrong: In a time of weakened paternal authority, what prevents women’s full emancipation is not (yet) mind-control, but a set of social and ideological conditions. Dreykov as the ultimate enemy is a fetish, a ridiculous mask that obfuscates these conditions.

A similar obfuscation is easily detectable in Luca (Enrico Casarosa, 2021). Set on the Italian Riviera in the 1950s–1960s, the film centers on Luca Paguro, a sea monster boy with the ability to assume human form while on land. Luca explores the town of Portorosso with his new human best friend Alberto Scorfano and experiences a life-changing summer. The sea monster is obviously a metaphor for feeling different, from being LGBTQ+ to being an immigrant. This sounds nice, but it is ideology at its worst: In this universe, there are no antagonisms among sea monsters or humans, so all that is needed is trust, friendship, and tolerant understanding.

So what is wrong with Nomadland (Chloe Zhao, 2020), which seems to focus precisely on those excluded from the mainstream of our societies? In Germany and some other countries, a vague so-called “classism”—a class version of identity politics—is emerging. In this version of classism, workers are taught to safeguard and promote their socio-cultural practices and self-respect; they are made aware of the crucial role they play in social reproduction. Worker movements thus become another element in the chain of identities, like a particular race or sexual orientation.

Such a “solution” to the “workers’ problem” characterizes Fascism and populism as respectful to workers and able to admit that workers are often exploited, and they (usually sincerely) want to make workers’ position better within the coordinates of the existing system. Trump was doing this, too. He protected U.S. workers from banks and unfair Chinese competition.

Is Nomadland not the ultimate example of such classism? It portrays the daily lives of our “nomadic proletarians,” workers without a permanent home who live in trailers and wander around from one temporary job to another. They are shown as decent people, full of spontaneous goodness and solidarity with each other, inhabiting their own world of small customs and rituals, and enjoying their modest happiness. Even the occasional work in an Amazon packaging center goes quite well—that’s how our hegemonic ideology likes to see workers.

No wonder the movie was the big winner of the 2021 Oscars. Although the lives depicted are rather miserable, the movie bribes us into enjoying it with the charming details of a specific way of life. The movie’s tagline could have been: “Enjoy being a nomadic proletarian!”

It is precisely the refusal to be such an element in the chain of identities that defines the authentic workers movement. In India I met with the representatives of the lowest group of the lowest sub-caste of the Untouchables, the dry toilet cleaners. I asked them about the basic premise of their program and what they wanted. They instantly gave me an answer: “We don’t want to be ourselves, what we are.” Workers are, to quote French philosopher Jacques Rancière, a “part of no-part” of the social body, they lack a proper place in it—an antagonism embodied. Are we asking too much of Hollywood if we expect movies about lives that are a “part of no-part” of our societies?

Bong Joon-ho’s Parasite did it, Todd Phillips’ Joker did it, and it can be done again.

练习题

According to the section, what makes recent Hollywood films “falsely progressive” rather than genuinely critical?

A. They openly reject themes such as feminism, immigration, and worker solidarity.
B. They address progressive topics in a “decaffeinated” way that blurs their critical edge.
C. They focus only on traditional family values and avoid contemporary social issues.
D. They present social conflicts as impossible to resolve through tolerance or solidarity.

Which description best captures the section’s interpretation of Black Widow?

A. It is mainly a nostalgic family comedy about restoring traditional fatherly authority.
B. It is best understood only as a Marvel superheroes-meet-Bourne or Bond meta-genre film.
C. It is a Marvel film shaped by the #MeToo era, foregrounding feminine solidarity and rivalry.
D. It rejects feminist themes by making Natasha and Yelena unrelated to one another.

In the section’s account of Black Widow, why is Dreykov called a “fetish”?

A. Because he represents the real social and ideological conditions that prevent women’s emancipation.
B. Because he is a ridiculous mask that obscures the social and ideological conditions preventing women’s emancipation.
C. Because he successfully restores traditional symbolic fatherly authority.
D. Because he proves that women’s emancipation is prevented only by biological family ties.

Which statements accurately describe the section’s reading of Black Widow? Select all that apply.

A. Natasha and Yelena are not real sisters but were placed in a fake undercover family in Ohio.
B. The Red Room trains Black Widows as controlled killers.
C. Natasha and Yelena’s liberation is framed as freedom from a wired-brain program rather than freedom from family ties.
D. Alexei is presented as a strong, effective father whose symbolic authority defeats Dreykov.
E. The sisters still long for a proper nuclear family even though they know the family they lost was fake.

Which interpretations match the section’s critique of Luca, classism, and Nomadland? Select all that apply.

A. Luca uses the sea monster as a metaphor for feeling different, including being LGBTQ+ or being an immigrant.
B. Luca is criticized for imagining a world where antagonisms disappear into trust, friendship, and tolerant understanding.
C. The section criticizes “classism” for turning workers into another identity category rather than confronting class antagonism.
D. Nomadland is criticized for presenting nomadic workers only as violent and selfish.
E. Nomadland aestheticizes miserable lives by inviting viewers to enjoy charming details of a specific way of life.
F. The passage says Amazon work in Nomadland is shown as completely unbearable and openly revolutionary.

In the section’s interpretation, Luca is ideologically problematic because it treats difference as solvable through trust, friendship, and tolerant understanding while erasing deeper antagonisms.

The section presents Fascism and populism as forces that usually seek to abolish the existing system in order to liberate workers from exploitation.

Both the critique of Nomadland and the earlier critique of conflicts as expressions of capital tensions warn against reducing social problems to culture, identity, or lifestyle alone.

In the section’s critique of Nomadland, the film “bribes” viewers into enjoying miserable lives through charming details of a specific way of life; this means the film ___ those lives.

How does the section connect the weak father figure Alexei, Dreykov’s brain-controlling authority, and its critique of Black Widow’s politics?

Compare the section’s critique of Hollywood’s “decaffeinated” progressivism with the prior section’s critique of illiberal democrats who promote national identity and Christian tradition against feminism, multiculturalism, and anti-racism.

Which comparison best captures the shared critical pattern between the discussion of Black Widow and the earlier discussion of wars and the “clash of civilizations”?

A. Both argue that visible conflicts should be understood only as personal moral failures by villains.
B. Both argue that an apparently obvious explanation can be partly true while still masking deeper structural conditions.
C. Both argue that cultural conflict is always fake and should never be discussed.
D. Both argue that political and social problems are solved by stronger symbolic father figures.

Which statements correctly identify cases where the author criticizes a surface-level moral or cultural framing for hiding a deeper antagonism or structure?

A. Black Widow presents Dreykov as a fetish-like enemy who masks broader social and ideological barriers to women’s emancipation.
B. Luca uses tolerant friendship to erase antagonism between groups, suggesting that trust and understanding are enough.
C. The earlier discussion of war says conflicts are never only culture and geopolitics but also express tensions in global capital.
D. The Visegrád stance is praised because it fully resolves the conflict between national identity and European unity.
E. Nomadland is criticized for aestheticizing miserable lives into enjoyable lifestyle details.

The author’s criticism of Nomadland resembles the earlier criticism of reducing wars to culture and geopolitics: in both cases, a visible narrative can make underlying material conditions harder to see.

In the author’s analysis, Dreykov in Black Widow and the “clash of civilizations” explanation of war both function as incomplete explanations because each can ___ deeper structural conditions.

登录后解锁笔记、知识点解析、AI 问答

立即登录